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Editorial

Resist Duterte’s terrorism

With his threats to crack down on activists, the return of police in drug operations, and the further extension of martial law in Mindanao, it is now more than clear that Duterte is setting the stage for a fascist dictatorship.

Cartoon by Jessica Lopez/TomasinoWeb

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Dissent and resistance are vital signs of a living democracy — but for President Rodrigo Duterte and his lapdogs, dissent is destabilization; resistance is terrorism.

It is now more than clear that Duterte is setting the stage for a fascist dictatorship: He had openly admitted to being fascist last month — all in the midst of bringing back the police in the killing fields of drug operations, extending martial law in Mindanao for another year, and even threatening to criminalize organized dissent by arresting activists for supposedly conspiring with so-called terrorists.

It is ironic, to say the least: If anything, Duterte’s mass murder of the poor in his brutal anti-drug campaign, his threats to bomb the schools and communities of indigenous peoples, and his suggestions of declaring a “revolutionary” government in order to quell justified rebellion against his tyrannical regime had left the people terrorized more than those he eagerly maligned and vilified as enemies of the state.

Duterte must have forgotten to admit that he is also the country’s leading terrorist — and, in fully unveiling the rotting core his fascist regime, his terror attacks on the people have only intensified.

Despite the success of the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) in conducting 2,161 anti-drug operations almost without blood and violence, Duterte is hellbent on satisfying his maniacal bloodlust by taking the operations from PDEA and giving it back to the police.

Lest it be forgotten, brutal police operations took the lives of youth like Kian Loyd Delos Santos and Carl Angelo Arnaiz, among other victims and “collateral damages” of summary executions.

At the start of his term, Duterte promised to end illegal drug trade in the country within his first six months in office— or else, he said he would resign.

Already long overdue on his false promise of change, Duterte is yet to step down and is now frantically clinging to his bloody throne, now that the popularity he once enjoyed is diminishing.

Rightfully expecting strong backlash, Duterte is now taking desperate measures to silence dissent — and his schemes are blatantly transparent.


Duterte must have forgotten to admit that he is also the country’s leading terrorist — and, in fully unveiling the rotting core his fascist regime, his terror attacks on the people have only intensified.


One must look no further than his continuing undermining of checks and balances: The impeachment proceedings of Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno continue along with threats to impeach Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales, his tirades on the Commission on Human Rights, and his online troll army’s discrediting of the media.

Even taking cues from the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, Duterte had also resorted to declaring the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA) as “terrorist organizations” — effectively reducing the long-standing communist insurgency in the country to mere terrorism — in a bid to legalize his crackdown on detractors and activists, including militant youth and student formations, by the way of trumped-up charges, illegal arrests, and spurious accusations of conspiracy and terrorism.

Just as his crackdown on illegal drugs saw the deaths of thousands of alleged drug users and pushers based on mere suspicion, Duterte is now emboldening state forces and his vigilante loyalists to arrest — or worse, kill —dissenters by conveniently labeling them as “rebels” and “terrorists.”

The declaration is already reaping fatal results: The past week saw the killings of clergymen such as activist-priest Marcelito Paez, who was gunned down by still-unidentified assailants in Jaen, Nueva Ecija last Dec. 4, right after facilitating the release of a peasant leader arrested by the army’s 56th infantry battalion for allegedly being a member of the NPA.

Paez’s death followed that of pastor Lovelito Quiñones, who was killed by forces of the police regional mobile group in an encounter in Mansalay, Oriental Mindoro last Dec. 3, with the army’s 203rd brigade claiming that Quiñones was an NPA guerrilla.

The wheels even seem to have started turning long before: Merely a week after formally terminating the peace negotiations with the CPP-NPA, student-activists from the University of the Philippines and the Polytechnic University of the Philippines were killed in an encounter with the police and the Air Force 730th combat group in Nasugbu, Batangas last Nov. 28, where the military had been conducting aerial bombings and arrests of peasant leaders tagged as NPA members for the past months.

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Unsurprisingly, the military insisted that all 15 casualties in the Nasugbu encounter — including the student-activists — were full-time NPA guerrillas.

School-based formations — and even campus publications — which were already reporting the harassment, intimidation, and red-tagging of their leaders and members by police and suspected military agents for the past months are now receiving anonymous death threats and targeted harassment in the midst of the crackdown on activist groups.

A member of the UST chapter of militant student group League of Filipino Students, for example, received death threats via phone call last Dec. 4; the same number also sent threats to a member of poetry collective KM64.

The madman Duterte, however, does not seem to be satisfied with his bloodbath and totalitarian reign of terror.

Like a true Marcos fanboy, Duterte is now using the excuse of “communist terrorism” to make his rubber stamp Congress approve his bid to further extend martial law in Mindanao for another year and strengthen counterinsurgency operations in the region.

Lumad communities — which had been the usual targets of aerial bombings and military harassment for actively defending their ancestral domains from the land-grabbing of mining companies and transnational corporations — have decried the further extension of martial law as an avenue for the military to tag them as rebels and forcibly drive them out of their lands.

The same day as Quiñones’s death, Karapatan reported that a composite team of the army’s 27th and 33rd infantry battalions and the Marines killed eight Lumad farmers in Lake Sebu, South Cotabato, among other Lumad killings linked to counterinsurgency operations.

Lumad families in the area have reclaimed 300 hectares of their domains from the land-grabbing of David M. Consunji Inc.; the military immediately branded them as members of the NPA.

Checkpoints of the 75th infantry battalion have also continued to block the entry of food and relief goods being sent to Lumad families displaced by counterinsurgency operations in evacuation centers in Lianga, Surigao del Sur.

The military continues to deny the food blockade despite numerous reports from local media, non-government organizations and civil society groups.

Even more alarming, however, is that fact that the first extension of martial law in Mindanao is not even over and yet Duterte’s lapdogs in Congress are now pushing to put the entire country under martial law.

Coupled with his previous suggestions of declaring a “revolutionary” government, it does not seem far-fetched that the self-declared fascist will push through in declaring a nationwide martial law to finally seize and consolidate his power in a one-man rule.


Rightfully expecting strong backlash, Duterte is now taking desperate measures to silence dissent — and his schemes are blatantly transparent.


The country faces darker days ahead; the killings, violence, and the culture of impunity will only continue to worsen as the state paves the way for a fascist dictatorship — and no one is safe.

But if Duterte thinks the people’s struggle will be cowed by threats of arrests, abductions, torture — and even death — he is utterly mistaken: As if he had never read a history book, state oppression and violence only emboldens resistance, and their numbers are growing by the day.

The youth holds power in these trying times, and they must continue to stand and resist the imminent threat of another dictatorship and join the people’s struggle in their fight for genuine change — a change that will never come from the bloody fists of a self-declared fascist.

History has proven time and time again that the people’s struggle can topple down dictators — and Duterte and his reign of terror are not exceptions.

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Editorial

Tales of disturbing cacophonies

This kind of performance can be considered world-class quality: a world-class embarrassment.

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Christine Annmarie Tapawan/TomasinoWeb

 The world is still at a time where society still allows men to hold power and make decisions that subconsciously programs the people they lead to fail. These men (or so-called leaders) are in their grand offices in historical buildings that have witnessed the downfall and triumph of the people they lead, the land they harvest, the water they sail on, and the words they have spoken among those territories to make the impossible possible. 

In this pandemic, no one can deny that the world has been tumbled upside down. It brought peace and disturbance at the same time. This crisis knows no man. It inflicts who it wants and it takes all it can get. For the first time in ages, these men feared something. They chickened out like roosters in the middle of a cockfight with a rival bigger than they are.

Nothing good has ever come out since the spread of the pandemic. The events that took place in the country resulted into a giant cacophony of complete disarray and disturbance. The fragility of the systems the Philippines upholds has been unduly exposed. Within that disarray, there lies the juggled safety of Filipinos, the prolonged crisis of the country, and the ever-loyal service of the administration to the people it wants to serve – the elitists.

An example of this disarray is the neglect and fear of this administration towards mass testing. As of April 14, there was supposed to be a progressive mass testing to determine the number of cases in the Philippines. It promised the country that it will have conducted “8,000 tests per day” as it plans to extend its coverage on the country’s population. The health department wanted to conduct at least 4,400 to 9,800 tests daily and even hoped to reach 13,000 to 20,000 tests by April 27. 

These seem promising and fulfilling however, where did these tests go? Last May 21, health secretary Francisco Duque III admitted that no mass testing was conducted despite the prevalence of the outbreak. As of present time, there are about 17,974 active cases, most of which cannot be exactly verified as there are suspicions that the health department hides the real numbers because of the peculiar increase and the apparent backlog that it has.

One should not shy away from the reality that this pandemic not only disparages those who have become victims of the virus but most especially those who belong in the slums and other underdeveloped parts of the country.

This is also to take in the fact that the country’s poor communities once more became a living death bed of the corruption and injustice that halted the Filipinos’ right to be treated as a human as he is. Instead, there are more and more deaths not only taking place in hospitals but in innocent streets where children used to play. Now, the streets have become a manchild’s fantasy playground where they are allowed to finish off lives as if those were just nothing. 

Millions of lives are affected and almost lost because of the lack of support from the government, the education system which was supposedly an empathetic system found to be elitist and forceful, the militarization of the a supposedly healthcare problem, and businesses uncovering every inch of its filth just to serve those who own it.

This kind of performance can be considered world-class quality: a world-class embarrassment. The problems that the country faces right now are not issues that can be set aside in the state’s current agenda. There is no escape from here but death not for this country but because of these so-called leaders. 

The administration embarrassingly failed to show face and to be resilient: a trait this country is known for. It is aggravating to bear the administration’s lapdog loyalty to the Asian giant, the disregard for the safety of the working class, and the blatant disrespect for human rights. It all comes down to people in the high chair – those who we must hold accountable for those selfish and insurmountable crimes and most especially, the dictator himself, Rodrigo Roa Duterte.

It seems like Duterte and his cronies have forgotten that Filipinos ousted leaders like him who prey on the freedom of the country. The crimes this administration has committed are nothing but cowardly, treacherous, and aggravating. The people of this Philippines will rise again, with or without his permission. Most importantly, with or without that bill

But yet again, let us work on this goal we have first: to rise from the coronavirus. Then, we shall conquer, like the children we are of the heroes who fought for this country.

There’s nothing else that these men shall fear but their rightful doom.

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Editorial

Heading back to our “glory days”

EDSA I proved that the Marcosian utopia, the illusions created by the Martial Law with its atrocities behind it will not last. Media plays a big role in exposing the scandals and injustices and has proven this in the two EDSAs the country has gone through.

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A protest art being burned by protesters during the 34th anniversary commemoration of the EDSA People Power 1 on Feb. 25, 2020 | Carmina Beatriz Dizon/TomasinoWeb

Last week, a film critical of President Rodrigo Duterte and his administration titled “Walang Kasarian ang Digmaang Bayan” has been disqualified from the five official entries in Sinag Maynila Film Festival 2020. The reason for this, according to the Executive Committee of Sinag Maynila, is the film’s “deviation from the submitted and approved script and that the Film is no longer a faithful representation of the approved screenplay.” It was negated by its director Jay Altejeros and called out one of the film festival’s founder Brillante Mendoza asking him if the country is now under Martial Law.

Many of us may have been asking the same question since President Duterte’s assumption to his office. 

During the Martial Law, state-run news and shows on TV were used mostly for Marcos propaganda and were used to create an atmosphere that will suit the pretext of Martial Law. Extreme censorship was imposed even on books and religious publications. Today, Filipinos were accustomed to comedic, romantic shows and movies. In fact, many were actually surprised, or maybe disappointed when the 2016 Metro Manila Film Festival featured mostly indie films that have deeper, more serious plotlines. It was reverted back to its usual line-up of comedy, magical and action films which caters more to the masses.

The commemoration of the 34th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution is a good time to look back again on how the media played a big role in the Filipinos’ quest for freedom and democracy in 1986, or maybe in the colonial times as well. 

Revolutionaries during the Spanish colonization period used a number of newspapers to criticize the Spanish rule and urge Filipinos to join the revolution against Spain. Spanish friars and leaders that time targeted publications like La Solidaridad. Jose Rizal’s writings like Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo were not safe from these attacks, and have later caused his execution. 

Moving on to Ferdinand Marcos’ rule, his cronies took over the ABS-CBN a day after the declaration of Martial Law for they know the power of the media and that it may be a great barrier in their total control of the country.

During the height of the People Power Revolution, Filipinos converged along EDSA after the call of the late Jaime Cardinal Sin via the Catholic Church’s Radio Veritas, one of the few remaining media that time. Their transmitter was later knocked down by government troops but have managed to broadcast through different, hidden transmitters in the next days until the return of the free media after Marcos’ removal from office. In EDSA II, the media proved again its power as people used their cellular phones to disseminate information, and how Erap’s televised impeachment trial has changed the course of history that time.

Last year, Rappler CEO Maria Ressa also faced the same harassment after being arrested twice in a span of less than two months. And this year, the Duterte administration kicked-off the year with its strong urge to withhold the franchise renewal of ABS-CBN by using the Office of the Solicitor-General to issue quo warranto and gag order petitions to formally stop ABS-CBN’s operations. It is the same tactic used by the same office to remove former Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno from her office.

These recent attacks on the media prove how powerful it is—that it could actually threaten fascist governments and remove dictators from office. Film and music are not only there to entertain but also depict the reality around us. A news outlet not only informs but also shapes the mindset of the people. An informed citizenry is a great threat to fascist rulers and the media serves this purpose, making it unsurprising that they have been a target of oppressive rulers since its beginnings.

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President Duterte using his lapdogs and every government agency  could control to silence critics and impose threats on media like Rappler and ABS-CBN. It is a clear sign that the democracy and freedom fought for by Filipinos 34 years ago in EDSA is again in great danger. Last year’s EO 70 or the Oplan Kapanatagan which was used to silence and harass activists and farmers, the attacks on Church groups like the Rural Missionary of the Philippines, and the continuing impunity in the country proves that we are again heading back to the dark days of Martial Law.

EDSA I proved that the Marcosian utopia, the illusions created by the Martial Law with its atrocities behind it will not last. Media plays a big role in exposing the scandals and injustices and has proven this in the two EDSAs the country has gone through.

Filipinos have long waited every day in MRT lines and traffic along EDSA, and so is their wait for genuine progress which caters to all. Blood, sweat, and tears have dropped not only on train platforms but across the soil, waters, and the skies of this country. It has been a debate whether EDSA I actually brought freedom to the country, or only served as leeway for greater oppression and inequality. But one thing is clear today: the frailties of EDSA I have never been this perceptible, and it should be a reminder for us of the dark days we have been, and a challenge to protect the liberties we have today.

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Editorial

Repeating the bloody history

For the past three years, it is apparent that history is still repeating itself. Those who express criticism are forcefully silenced, sometimes through bloody measures. From farmers and members of the media being killed, critics being faced with trumped-up charges, progressives being red-tagged, and the plans of legislated policies to silence the people. 

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Photo by Jaime Taganas/TomasinoWeb

In the past months, we have seen how the current administration used its ultimate power to silence critics and defend its current control of the government. Behind its infrastructure projects and “world class” events lies issues which have long burdened the Filipino people. Its efforts to silence critics through crackdown and intimidation, and the continuing impunity and injustice in the country, we will be ending the year again in a state of ‘de facto,’ strongman rule. 

History proved that strongman rulers are not only opportunistic, but also feared collective movements and criticism. Post-WW1 Germany focused on foreign capital and investments — a clear indicator that the country was reliant on the schematics of the global economy to survive. When the Great Depression hit multiple economies around 1929, it was inevitable that Germany will share the same fate. With Communism which slowly took over the economically-crippled Germany, the late dictator Adolf Hitler saw these turn of events as an opportunity to take over the country.

Hitler rallied the German people towards his right-wing and nationalist beliefs. He then used the dominant anti-Semitic ideology to promote Aryan supremacy while demolishing the freedom of the press to fabricate the perfect Nazi propaganda. Although his expansionist campaign ended with his death in 1945, it was more than enough to send a message: tyrannical campaigns are short-lived. 74 years after the World War 2, a Hitler-esque strongman tightens his grasp in the Philippines through bloodshed and opportunism.

Ferdinand Marcos’ administration also took advantage of the country’s inclination on foreign investments to advance neoliberal policies. Behind his foreign policies and infrastructure programs, thousands of critics from the media and other individuals were either tortured or killed. After two decades, his rule concluded in the historic people power revolution.

For the past three years, it is apparent that history is still repeating itself. Those who express criticism are forcefully silenced, sometimes through bloody measures. From farmers and members of the media being killed, critics being faced with trumped-up charges, progressives being red-tagged, and the plans of legislated policies to silence the people. 

The move to amend the Human Security Act which will permit warrantless arrests and detention to up to 60 days of anyone suspected to be a terrorist. There is also a plan to revive the Anti-Subversion Law of the Marcos’ dictatorial rule is also underway which will illegalize any form of ‘subversive’ activities and any form of criticism or opposition might be among these. All of these among with the current approach of state authorities of red-tagging progressives will silence critics and progressives and further the ‘strongman’ rule of the current administration.

In the Congress, the Senator Bato Dela Rosa currently pushes for the implementation of the Senate Committee Report  No. 10 which will strengthen its “witch hunt” of progressive students in schools and universities. The aim to review the “Sotto-Enrile accord” is also underway which prohibits police and military from entering schools and universities will further the control and surveillance of the military and police in schools and threaten the safety of students and teachers alike in these “zones of peace.”

Through Executive Order No. 70, otherwise known as the “National Task Force To End Local Communist Armed Conflict”, Duterte aims to institutionalize a “de-facto” martial law through a horrendous crackdown against human rights workers and progressive groups. He revives the communist scare through red-tagging, which victimizes even the slightest dissent. Instead of addressing the root cause of armed conflict, he continues to rule with an iron fist. Martial law to consolidate need not to be declared to consolidate power for a legislated reign of terror is enough to show otherwise.

Through the implementation of extravagant projects and policies, Duterte is capable of shifting the discussion away from his atrocities. His “Build-Build-Build” infrastructure program is nothing short of neoliberalism and Chinese subservience — he aims to deliver us from poverty by gifting away our national sovereignty to foreign powers. The Kaliwa Dam project, one of the most controversial projects under his infrastructure plan is a proof that the current administration is more willing to displace local communities and destroy the country’s natural resources rather than protecting the nation it serves. 

No infrastructure can hide Duterte’s unwillingness to serve the people. The current political landscape is a spectacle for those who find glamor in his governance — his word is law and his orders are benevolent. Political critics are deemed as heretics waiting to be cast into the lake of fire. With a strong support of his cronies and large-scale troll armies, his cult is slowly turning the country into a mass grave of innocent Filipinos sacrificed for his will. Then again, nothing lasts in this world, and so is the current “de-facto” rule. Time is only waiting for the Filipinos to once again unite and fight for their country.

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